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Black Girls and the School to Prison Pipeline

If I say “school-to-prison pipeline,” you may think of the criminalization of African-American boys, almost always for behavior that would merit their white counterparts at most detention. But what about the girls? Just as racist police brutality does not give a pass to black women, so too does the school-to-prison pipeline operate for black girls as well. First, some statistics. According to Black Girls Matter: Pushed Out, Overpoliced, and Underprotected, BY Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw with Priscilla Ocen and Jyoti Nanda, a report issued by the African-American Policy Forum and the Center for Intersectionality and Policy Studies at the Columbia Law School, in the 2011-2012 school year in NYC:

Black girls were suspended six times as often as white girls, with 12% of black girls being suspended in a given year.

There about twice as many black girls enrolled in public school as white girls, but they are disciplined ten times as often.

90% of expulsions of girls were of black girls. 90%! Not one white girl was expelled that year. (This strongly suggests to me that schools do not value black girls as students.)

“Black girls receive more severe sentences when they enter the juvenile justice system than do members of any other group of girls, and they are also the fastest growing population in the system” Crenshaw, Ocen, and Nanda write. So when teachers and schools fail to value black girls, punish them unreasonably for minor offenses (Crenshaw’s report opens with several pretty appalling examples), and in other ways discourage them from attending school or devalue the education they get, they are putting them at risk for criminal detention in a legal system that is all too happy to keep them. And as for young men, when young women leave school without a high school diploma, they are far more likely to find themselves stuck in low-wage work with very few routes for advancement.

The entire report is worth reading. Some of the appalling miscarriages of justice described are of a piece with what we know affects black boys as well: zero-tolerance policies that lead to expulsions for carrying nail clippers, for instance, and schools focused far more on discipline and high-stakes testing than education. But much of what Crenshaw writes about is gendered: girls experience metal detectors and searches on their way into school as akin to sexual harassment, as feeling “naked” in front of authority figures; girls who act out are punished to a far greater extent than boys who act out in the same way; boys’ sexual harassment of girls is overlooked while the girls’ responses are punished heavily; sexual abuse and other interpersonal violence is an incredibly strong predictor of girls’ involvement with school disciplinary procedures, and is also a significant reason for girls’ leaving school. And family care-taking responsibilities, including children and older family members, fall far more heavily on the shoulders of black girls than on their male counterparts.

I started collecting sources for this post back in April, and the interruption to my blogging has taken its toll; this topic deserves a far more thoughtful piece. But the perfect is the enemy of better-than-my-silence on this issue, and this site of oppression, at the intersection of race and gender and all too frequently, disability, needs to be a topic of discussion among feminists.

Particularly white feminists, because there’s another side to this issue. The side with the active voice. Black girls are suspended, are expelled, are disciplined. But who is it who’s suspending, expelling, and otherwise pushing these girls away from education and toward the criminal “justice” system? Mikki Kendall notes in this interview that “80% of teachers are white and mostly women.” Who is waging this war on black children, boys and girls? Principals, sure, but the teachers on the frontlines are mostly white women. This is a situation where white women are enforcing race and gender norms at the expense of black girls. I have not been able to get my hands on Kendall’s piece about this for Bitch Planet (I keep trying to buy the issue digitally, it keeps not working) but I’d bet solid money that what she has to say is worth reading. I’m going to try and order it from my local comic shop. I’d welcome comments from, well, everybody, obviously, but if anybody has read it, I’d be particularly interested to hear about it.


11 thoughts on Black Girls and the School to Prison Pipeline

  1. The link says volume one of BP will be published September 30 2015, so maybe that’s why you can’t find it yet

    1. The volume collects the first few issues, but the issue with Kendall’s piece in it came out in April.

  2. OT, sorry, but the open thread is closed. Congratulations, EG, and it’s great to read your writing again.

    On topic – I’ve read an article in the post that, as you noted, primarily focused on black boys and the school to prison pipeline. Do you know if anyone has done any studies on rectifying this issue? It’s so disheartening, and I’d love to be able to support solutions.

  3. Look at the study. No interviews or focus groups with teachers and principals. No acknowledgement that teachers and principals are “stakeholders.” They didn’t talk to teachers and principals because shut up.

    1. I looked at the study. It’s about the experiences of black girls in school, so they look at objective statistics and talk to black girls. It’s not about the perspectives of educators.

    2. And when someone does a story on the evils of (US) slavery, do you argue that it is biased because it doesn’t take into account the slaveowners’ “perspective”?

      Unless EG has dramatically misrepresented what the report is about, it’s about verifiable facts. I don’t see what anyone’s “perspective” has to do with it.

      BTW: “stakeholders”?? WTF?? Are you saying that teachers and administrators have a “stake” in punishing and suspending black girls at rates far out of proportion to their numbers? I would hope that they would consider that they have a “stake” in black girls succeeding — staying out of prison, avoiding violence, and bettering their station in life, at the very least.

      1. Yeah, the parallel that occurred to me was whether we have to interview cops when talking about racist police brutality.

      2. Yeah, the parallel that occurred to me was whether we have to interview cops when talking about racist police brutality.

        So in this case I agree, because like you said they’re mostly looking at statistics and the personal experiences of black girls.

        However, in the example you gave, and for any more policy-focused discussion, I’m pretty sure you should talk to cops, right? Interviewing people doesn’t mean taking what they say at face value, but if you want to understand the problems with a dysfunctional system you probably need to understand the people who are participating in it.

        If you don’t, you end up with solutions based entirely on theory and not on practice, which leads to things like the Duluth Model for abuse prevention, which was based entirely on feminist theory without any attempt to actually interview batterers or understand what motivated them. Tragically, despite having zero effect on the rate of re-offending, it’s still still by far the most common anti-domestic-violence workshop in the country (1,2).

        The actual founder of the program, Ellen Pence, makes my point pretty well:

        By determining that the need or desire for power was the motivating force behind battering, we created a conceptual framework that, in fact, did not fit the lived experience of many of the men and women we were working with. The DAIP staff remained undaunted by the difference in our theory and the actual experiences of those we were working with. It was the cases themselves that created the chink in each of our theoretical suits of armor. Speaking for myself, I found that many of the men I interviewed did not seem to articulate a desire for power over their partner. Although I relentlessly took every opportunity to point out to men in the groups that they were so motivated and merely in denial, the fact that few men ever articulated such a desire went unnoticed by me and many of my coworkers.

      3. Right, but you’re talking about forming policy. That’s not what I’m talking about. We’re talking about a study here to demonstrate that a problem exists. If we’re formulating a strategy for remedying racist police brutality, then I would interview cops. But this is a study that’s about demonstrating that black girls are being driven away from school. So the parallel would be a study demonstrating that police brutality is racist and wrong. You and I may not need such a study, but the number of, say, contributors to Darren Wilson’s GoFundMe suggests that such a study is by no means redundant.

      4. Right, but you’re talking about forming policy. That’s not what I’m talking about.

        I think we’re actually on the same page, per my first two sentences. Either way, I agree with what you’re saying.

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