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The Indiana Statehouse’s Little Talk With Jesus

Brian Bosma and other Republicans in the Indiana House of Representatives are fighting for their right to pray to Jesus Christ before getting onto godly duties like “Indiana: Central or Eastern?” and “Should We Salt The Roads When It Snows?”. For nearly 200 years, the Indiana House has opened its sessions with group prayer led by invited clergy. Not too bad, right? Tradition and stuff.

Two weeks ago a federal court judge barred prayers that mention Jesus Christ or endorse any religion at the opening of each daily session of the Indiana House of Representatives. Why?

Of 53 prayers offered in the House during the 2005 session, 41 were delivered by people identified with Christian churches, Hamilton’s written opinion says. Of the 45 prayers for which transcripts were available, 29 were offered in the name of Jesus, the Savior and/or the Son.

One prayer urged that “whatever you do in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus.” Another called for a worldwide conversion to Christianity: “We look forward to the day when all nations and all people of the earth will have the opportunity to hear and respond to messages of love of the Almighty God who has revealed Himself in the saving power of Jesus Christ.”

This went on unchallenged for many years, until the Indiana Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit on behalf of four members of the House after the Rev. Clarence Brown sang “Just A Little Talk With Jesus” last April, citing that the Statehouse was overwhelmingly promoting Christian values. This godbagly musical session, which likely ended with lots of hugs, back-pats, and raucous versions of Kum Ba Yah, prompted several members of the House to walk out in disgust.

The U.S. Supreme Court has upheld the right of government bodies to open sessions with a prayer, noting the “unambiguous and unbroken history of more than 200 years.” But in the 1983 high court decision, the justices said the prayers can’t promote one religion over another or disparage any other religion. The justices also ruled the prayers cannot be used in an attempt to convert.

[Judge David Hamilton, himself the son of a minister,] found that “the consistently sectarian prayers” of the Indiana House go far beyond what that ruling permits.

“The prayer opportunities have frequently and consistently been used to advance the Christian religion,” he said.

Brian “Gay People Are Teh Suck” Bosma, who became the defendent in this case, called the ruling “intolerable,” “terrible,” and “shocking,” says he hasn’t decided whether or not to follow the order, and has recently decided to appeal, all the way to the Supreme Court if necessary. But here’s the deal. Judge Hamilton did not impose any punishment for anyone who decides to invoke Jesus, Vishnu, or Allah during the prayer sessions. This is a toothless, symbolic ruling intending to reinforce the Constitutional separation of church and state. Even with a new and changing SCOTUS, I doubt the highest court in the nation will adopt an “anything goes” philosophy when it comes to government and prayer. Bosma’s version of religious tolerance turns faith into mush.

Hamilton, I believe, was rather reasonable (understatement):

Hamilton acknowledged that his ruling “might make it difficult or even impossible for some clergy or believers to offer official prayers.”

“All are free to pray as they wish in their own houses of worship or in other settings,” Hamilton said in his ruling. “The individuals do not have a First Amendment right, however, to use an official platform like the Speaker’s podium at the opening of a House session to express their own religious faiths.”

The only constitutional alternative to nonsectarian prayer, he said, would be no prayer at all.

Recommended Reading:
Meeting the Test of Inclusive Prayer
More at the Indiana Law Blog


22 thoughts on The Indiana Statehouse’s Little Talk With Jesus

  1. I’m of two minds when it comes to rulings like this.

    I agree with Judge Hamilton’s reasoning: The Indiana State House (or any State House) is not the venue for sectarian prayer. To pray to Jesus, Allah, Vishnu, or the Flying Spaghetti Monster in the context of the Legislature going about its official business violates the separation of Church and State, no two ways about it.

    On the other hand: Banning sectarian prayers will not, in fact, make the Indiana State House less sectarian nor more respectful of minority faiths. Indeed, the major effect of this ruling would seem to be to feed the persecution complex of those who feel that they are somehow persecuted and discriminated against for having the religion of the majority. Though legally and even morally correct, this ruling will have no good practical outcome.

  2. “The individuals do not have a First Amendment right, however, to use an official platform like the Speaker’s podium at the opening of a House session to express their own religious faiths.”

    Shouldn’t a person standing at that honored platform enjoy very nearly absolute freedom of speech? How fine a line must be drawn to prohibit sectarian prayers yet protect political, social, or ideological dissention?

  3. Shouldn’t a person standing at that honored platform enjoy very nearly absolute freedom of speech?

    Why?

  4. Why?

    Ask a hard one.

    (You know what’s sad? I just used cut and paste to copy your “Why?” comment. Had to involve at least 50% more keyboard-and-mouse work than just typing the damn word.)

  5. That’s well past sad and into pathetic.

    I don’t see anything in the Constitution that ranks freedom of speech by whether you are or aren’t standing at a legislative podium.

  6. And so it wouldn’t, Mythago.

    And thus, you have very nearly absolute freedom of speech, wherever you are.

    Even on a podium.

    Legislators are citizens, last time I checked.

  7. Freedom of speech is subject to reasonable time, place and manner restrictions. And when you’re giving someone a legislative platform from which to speak, the Establishment Clause comes into play.

  8. Legislators are citizens, and have the same right as any other citizen to the free exercise of religion, in their personal capacity. When on the floor of the State House, acting in the context of the legislature’s official business, they are agents of the State, and the State’s onus not to favour one religion over another falls on them.

  9. And when you’re giving someone a legislative platform from which to speak, the Establishment Clause comes into play.

    Legislators aren’t given a platform from which to speak. They earn a platform, by dint of being chosen by the people as their representative. That platform is in the central locus of political debate for the polity.

    Arguing for restraints on what can be said in the very nexus of disputation overturns 200 years of republican principle.

    When on the floor of the State House, acting in the context of the legislature’s official business, they are agents of the State, and the State’s onus not to favour one religion over another falls on them.

    Nah.

    The onus not to favor one religion over another relates to practical matters. You can’t give the Baptists the right to hold parades down Main Street but deprive the Catholics of the privilege.

    You can SAY whatever the hell you want.

    The alternative theory (yours) quickly leads to a host of absurdities. That’s usually a good sign that a theory is rubbish.

  10. Robert, the Supreme Court disagrees with you. They have consistently held that the Establishment Clause’s scope is much broader than the simple prohibition of legislation explicitly favouring one religion over another. Indeed, they have tended towards the position that the Establishment Clause prohibits the State from making religious statements of any kind, especially sectarian ones with no secular purpose.
    See: Allegheny County v. Greater Pittsburgh ACLU, and, more recently, Glassroth v. Moore and McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky. These cases all found that the State could not erect religious displays or monuments at government buildings that lacked a secular purpose; how can the Establishment Clause forbid this yet permit sectarian prayers on the State House floor?

  11. Legislators aren’t given a platform from which to speak. They earn a platform, by dint of being chosen by the people as their representative. That platform is in the central locus of political debate for the polity.

    Even if this were the case, what enables a duly-elected legislator to tranfer this privilege to an unelected Baptist minister?

  12. how can the Establishment Clause forbid this yet permit sectarian prayers on the State House floor?

    Because the people making the sectarian prayers have 1st Amendment rights, which (being direct speech) is more powerfully protected than the indirect speech of building a monument. The state is forbidden to put up a monument; preachers are not forbidden from talking from a soapbox at the statehouse.

    Even if this were the case, what enables a duly-elected legislator to tranfer this privilege to an unelected Baptist minister?

    The procedural rules agreed to by the legislature.

  13. What would those rules be?

    The state does not have to provide a forum for ministers to say anything they want, as the Supreme Court has said. Once they start letting anyone who isn’t an elected representative to espouse a religious position, they run afoul of the Establishment Clause.

    This of course does not prohibit the minister from espousing the same position on the steps of the legislative building, which is a public forum.

  14. What would those rules be?

    Beats the hell out of me. Presumably there are such rules, and presumably they were followed, since the complaint didn’t say “Reverend such and such was invited in violation of our caucus rules.”

  15. The prayer was, for the most part, uncontested until everyone joined hands, sang hymns, and prayed for wordwide conversion. But, yo, anything goes.

  16. But, yo, anything goes.

    I’m sorry, Lauren. You are now a college graduate. You are officially too old and too crusty to say “yo”.

    Also off-limits:fun.

  17. Negative. I am in purgatory — out of college, not yet an employed working hack. “Yo” is just fine as long as I’m not sleeping on a pothead’s couch, giving my roommates dutch ovens, and bitching that the couch smells of Coors.

  18. You can SAY whatever the hell you want

    The government itself does not have that right. Hence the Establishment Clause.

    If you don’t understand the difference between “I want to say this” and “The government is sponsoring this person, who will tell you our position on this,” I suggest you pick up a Con Law outline.

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