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An Honest McCain Campaign Slogan: Unequal Pay for Equal Work

James Surowiecki takes on equal pay in the New Yorker — and the article is well worth a read. He recounts the Ledbetter case, wherein Lily Ledbetter worked for Goodyear Tire for years, and in the mid-nineties received an anonymous note telling her that all the men at Goodyear were being paid more than she was, for doing the same work. The case went up to the Supreme Court, and the Court held that the statute of limitations on pay discrimination runs upon receipt of the first paycheck — meaning that you’d better figure out you’re being paid unequally within 180 days of being paid the first time, or you’re out of luck. But the Court did leave the door open for Congress to change the statute of limitations to make the window to sue more reasonable. Congress tried to do just that.

Republicans fillibustered until the bill was dead. John McCain also opposed the bill. In the last debate, McCain argued that the bill would have been a trial lawyer’s dream, because it would mean that they get to file more lawsuits. Well, yeah — that’s kind of the point. If people are being discriminated against, they deserve a fair amount of time to figure that out and take action. 180 days doesn’t cut it. What McCain and other Republicans did was intentionally set up roadblocks to curing pay discrimination.

In essence, they made it clear that they support unequal pay for equal work.

Does the Ledbetter bill matter? It’s true that active discrimination is rarer these days than it once was. But, contrary to what much economic work would predict, racial and sex discrimination is still a powerful force in the job market. Decades ago, the economist Gary Becker showed that “taste-based” discrimination (pure prejudice) could not survive in a truly competitive talent market, because unprejudiced companies would outperform prejudiced ones by hiring smart women and minorities. Yet the introduction of blind auditions at major symphony orchestras, starting in the seventies, has increased by fifty per cent the likelihood of female performers’ advancing—a clear sign that, for decades, orchestras had made bad talent decisions because of their prejudice without being punished. More striking, recent work by Kerwin Charles and Jonathan Guryan, of the University of Chicago, shows that, under certain reasonable conditions, market competition will not necessarily eradicate discrimination. That may be why, they suggest, the gap between black and white wages is widest in the most prejudiced parts of the U.S.—precisely what you’d expect if businessmen could discriminate and get away with it.

Of course, just because the market can’t prevent discrimination doesn’t mean the government should. And so there is a principled argument against the Ledbetter bill: namely, that Lilly Ledbetter was an adult; that if she didn’t think she was being paid fairly she was free to ask for more money or to leave; and that government interference with the idea of what constitutes fair pay is likely to cause more problems than it’s worth. Unlike the current opposition to the bill, this is an honest position to take. But it’s also, for good reasons, a profoundly unpopular one, which is why few Republicans have voiced it. Instead, opponents of the bill have acted like McCain, proclaiming their support for fair pay while doing their best to insure that workers have a hard time getting it. Maybe it’s time for them to give Americans some straight talk and unveil a new slogan: “Unequal pay for equal work.” It may not be catchy, but at least it’s honest.

Another thing to keep in mind when you go to the polls in two weeks.


8 thoughts on An Honest McCain Campaign Slogan: Unequal Pay for Equal Work

  1. Jill, good post. I agree Ledbetter was wrongly decided. But — to be fair, I think it’s possible to disagree with it for reasons other than wanting unequal pay.

    First, Ledbetter chose to sue under Title VII. But, if she’d sued under The Equal Pay Act, which specifically bans sex discrimination in pay, she could have taken advantage of a longer statute of limitations.

    Also, as a former employment attorney, I’ve read economists claiming that wrongful term suits cause lower employment about equal to a 10% decrease in employee wages when employers factor in costs of hiring an employee. The logic of some folks who agreed with Ledbetter (although some do so because of their sexism) is that as the perceived potential cost of hiring, factor in potential for lawsuits, goes up — employers being driven by bottom line — they charge “insurance” to the employees they do hire by reducing their wages to account for the possibility of a future suit.

    That said, I supported Ledbetter’s cause and would be willing to look at all of the above as the cost of doing the right thing, but I think it’s an area where not-necessarily-sexist people can disagree.

  2. I don’t know the law behind the Ledbetter case, but what I see is a systematic way of looking at discirminate pay and saying, “Sorry ’boutcha.” So many people are discriminated against in inordinate ways in the workplace, and I think of my own workplace, in that it’s one of the best corporations in North America for minorities, except at the local level where bigotry clearly plays a role in differences in promotions and hourly wages.

    Part of the ugliness is concentrated in workplace policies where discussions about pay are considered a violation of policy, but at the same time, conversations about pay are equally considered socially impolite. After asking around, some of my fellow employees found that they were paid the same as other employees who had been around half the time that they were, except that our pay scale is supposed to be determined by experience, productivity, and senority. In many cases, the higher paid folks turned up to be white and male despite their middling sales quotas and productivity (all numbers are available to all within the dept). It was discouraging and bitter-making, certainly, but there also seemed to be little recourse thanks to existing policy that made such knowledge taboo.

  3. Good point, Lauren — despite the argument about opening the door to suits after long periods of time, eg where someone has retired like Ledbetter and key witnesses are gone or have died, such as in her case, there’s the basic issue of pay transparency. What if it’s not clear within the statute of limitations of the Equal Pay Act (which I think is 2-3 years), let alone the Title VII one of 180 days? Various senators, like HRC, have talked about the solution being a legislative one rather than a judicial one — like enacting another law to provide better coverage.

    My thinking would be to require HR departments to disclose compensation of others of similar rank, which could be done without naming the others, and to make this available without repercussions. Most offenses come with statute of limitations (except, I guess, murder), and there’s a reason for that — although I continue to err on the side of Ledbetter’s cause being a worthy one, I can see arguments against doing away with the SOL entirely. In this environment, there’s not enough protection for the Ledbetters of the world if we do that, though. So some additional legislation is needed, expanding the SOL and making pay transparency mandatory.

  4. Part of the ugliness is concentrated in workplace policies where discussions about pay are considered a violation of policy, but at the same time, conversations about pay are equally considered socially impolite.

    The lawyers would know better than I, but I believe that is illegal in at least some states. It doesn’t stop employers, though, and a lot of people don’t know that their employers are not allowed to require confidentiality of salary. I think the social taboo is a more difficult obstacle to overcome.

  5. hat Lilly Ledbetter was an adult; that if she didn’t think she was being paid fairly she was free to ask for more money or to leave

    Of course she could leave … and then be demonized by said GOP for being an unemployed free-loader? I’ll believe in a free labor market as soon as we all are given trust funds so that way we can choose where to work or even whether or not we have to work … until then …

    At the very least, this argument suggests that there needs to be full protection for employees to be free from recrimination for asking for raises. Which there is not.

  6. I’m in favor of making all employers publish statistics internally, freely available to their employees (on an intranet or in a newsletter, so you don’t even have to ask), that shows the breakdown of what people are paid, per department, by age, sex, race, job title, and experience. And then discrimination can be as legal as you want, because people are armed with the knowledge to do something about it.

    When I was 25, I’d been working at a company for 2 years, having worked my way up from secretary to a business analyst. I was given a raise from $26K to $31K, and my boss, a woman, actually explained that the reason was that we were hiring on a new analyst who had demanded $33K, and my boss thought the discrepancy between our pay would be too outrageous if I stayed at $26k. Interestingly, the new analyst was a Hispanic woman, whereas I am a white woman; the difference that justified her higher pay was that she had kids and I didn’t at the time. I actually considered this perfectly fair; I had no kids but intended to have them someday, and I thought it was reasonable to pay a person who has to support a family more than a person who lives with her mom and spends all her money on comic books. (To be completely honest, I still do, but in most workplaces, only the men get the family bonus, and that’s bogus. Mothers are supporting their family too, and like my coworker, need more money than the childless/childfree.) But the main reason she got more money than me was basically that she’d demanded it and I hadn’t.

    So when I had clear and present evidence of pro-parental-status discrimination in front of my face, I said, eh, give her the money, she deserves it. I doubt I’d have felt the same if the new analyst had been male or if I had been a minority and she had been white, but since we were both women and she was a minority and I was white, it was pretty obvious that my boss was telling the truth and it really *was* about “she has kids and besides she insisted on getting this money, whereas you plainly don’t care that much.”

  7. Astraea — re “that is illegal in at least some states,” I am not sure about that (although I don’t know the law outside CA), because many companies do have confidentiality policies about compensation. Also, if someone is a partner, different rules applies than to salaried employees. For example, in a closed partnership, only one person or in some cases an executive committee determine salary of other partners. So female partners don’t know what they make relative to male ones. Possibly they could aggressively press for information by gender and tenure and race and other stats, etc., but this kind of “aggressiveness” could harm them in ways that are difficult to prove — been there and done that with very subtle corporate sexism that wouldn’t stand up in court.

    So I think appropriate legislation should make it the company or firm’s responsibility to make this information transparent. If they are truly concerned about lawsuits in which a long SOL is justified based on how long it takes employees to discover imbalances, they should have no problem with this.

    Interestingly, I’ve found that female partners in law firms are less likely to leave to go to another firm for compensation reasons. When they do, often by the time that decision is made, it is final. Male partners appear more likely to move once they discover they could make more elsewhere, and also seem more likely to receive and to respond to counteroffers from their existing firms. The relevance of this is — although of course it’s anecdotal — as I’m sure I’m not the only one who has noticed this, the powers that be (usually guess what gender) probably feel they can get away with lower comp for female employees.

    In my case, I’m the only female partner at my company and the only partner with a working spouse. I know what everyone else makes — but only because there are 4 of us, so it’s simple math. A few years ago, it appeared there might be some discounting of my draws based on the assumption I might need less because I had a working spouse. I suggested that they should not make the mistake of assuming a large degree of loyalty or non-financial motivation on my part. So now, they call me “basically a man” — well, if that’s what it takes.

  8. Alara — I don’t agree with “pro-parental-status discrimination” no matter what racial or gender circumstances prevail. That can easily be turned on both minority and female employees in ways I’m sure you can imagine. “Well, we did this for you, so we’re going to promote Joe. After all, you have more responsibilities at home” is one example. “I know your time is more limited than Bob’s because of all your kids, we’re going to send him on the important client trip to New York. It’s only fair, we do other things for you” is another.

    Also, for women (or men, less likely for reasons we all know) who have made the choice to focus on work and have had this take a toll on their social lives, they do not deserve to be further punished for these choices than our society already has.

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