In defense of the sanctimonious women's studies set || First feminist blog on the internet

Renewing the Craig v. Boren Strategy for Hate Crimes, or Why Tucker Carlson’s Stupidity Must Be Confronted Head On.

On May 14th, Joe Solomonese, President of the Human Rights Campaign, paid a visit to Tucker Carlson’s MSNBC show to talk about HR 1592, the Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2007. Here is the transcript of the show. In it, Carlson makes the conservative case against hate crimes laws generally. Solomonese (and the bill) would have been better served had he revived a strategy reminiscent of Craig v. Boren, the Supreme Court decision that held that heightened, or intermediate scrutiny, must be applied to judicial review if the challenged law classifies in terms of sex.

Carlson embraced equality language: “But you are saying… that a crime against you is worse than a crime against me. And I‘m telling you that in the eyes of God and the federal government, we are the same. We ought to be equal and you are trying to change that. And that is morally wrong.” He continually argued that under this hate crimes bill, there would be greater punishments for crimes against gays than there are against straights, for instance, or for crimes against blacks than there are against whites. Carlson said that with this hate crimes bill, there would be special treatment for the LBGT community, or for racial minorities: “…Suggesting that you are more important than I simply because of who you sleep with or your sexuality or your color or your religion. And isn‘t that exactly what we want to get away from?”

Carlson made a number of factual errors, and Solomonese refuted many of them. The bill, HR 1592, does not talk about penalties. The bill provides federal resources to local law enforcement as they deal with hate crimes. Hate crimes, it needs to be reiterated (though perhaps not here), are not “it is illegal to hate X subsection of people.” Hate crimes, as §280003(a) of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 defines the term, are crimes that “manifest prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.” While it is no doubt true (as Solomonese pointed out on the program) that hate crimes are overwhelmingly based on racism against minorities and based on homophobia and bigotry against the LBGT community, our hate crimes legal regime does protect heterosexual white males from hate crimes. It’s just that hate crimes against heterosexuals, or against whites, are not the central case. I do not live in fear of a cross burning on my lawn because I am straight. But if that were to happen, and if it manifested prejudice based on my heterosexual orientation, this bill would offer my local police resources as well.

But Solomonese never explicitly made the argument that heterosexual white males suffering from a bit of status nostalgia like Tucker Carlson are treated equally under the hate crimes bill. And that is where the Craig v. Boren strategy makes perfect sense as we make the political sale for increased hate crime protections.

Briefly: I take the concept of status nostalgia from Jack Balkin’s essay The Constitution of Status. A useful excerpt:

The most conflicted moments in American history may be the times when old social meanings about status are dissolving and new ones are taking their place. These are moments of heightened cultural struggle or Kulturkampf. To be sure, they are not necessarily Kulturkampfs in Bismarck’s original sense. These cultural struggles are the effect of social forces that have already begun to change. They feature not only the new assertions of groups rising in status, but the rearguard actions of an older order that is starting to pass away. Higher status groups employ whatever muscle they can offer–whether cultural, legal, or physical–to replenish their diminishing status capital and to put things back the way they were. But often, perhaps usually, it is already too late. The system of social meanings has changed, and all of us are carried along by its powerful tides. Faced with dissensus, open conflict, and even violence, people often harken back to the “good old days” when people were moral, social expectations were preserved, social deviance was invisible, overt enforcement of status norms was unnecessary, and everybody knew their place. I call this phenomenon status nostalgia.

Since Carlson made so many factual errors as to the nature of hate crimes law and this bill in particular, it seems safe to say that he was suffering from a bit of status nostalgia, truly arguing that equality protections extended to sexual orientation would diminish his superior social status as a heterosexual.

This is why Craig v. Boren‘s legal strategy is worth revisiting. In the case, advocates working to expand equal protection to encompass sex discrimination sought out laws that discriminated against men, not women. In Craig, this was an Oklahoma law that prohibited men under the age of 21 from buying “nonintoxicating 3.2% beer,” while women were permitted to buy this beverage after the age of 18. Instead of challenging head on laws that classified against women, first advocates won intermediate scrutiny by challenging a law on equal protection grounds that discriminated against men – a more legally (and politically) palatable challenge.

The analogy here isn’t perfect. Here Congress is drafting new law, not seeking to overturn or reinterpret laws on the books. But in making the sale, explaining that this is not a law of “special treatment” but one of equality, one has to address directly the status nostalgic arguments of men like Carlson. Solomonese should have responded that hate crimes law protects him equally, and that Human Rights Campaign opposes hate crimes against heterosexual white males just as much as it opposes hate crimes against the LBGT community. This is a point on which the broad center of American voters will agree. At that point, Carlson would have had to either 1 argue that hate crimes are not real, or 2 argue that local law enforcement does not need extra resources to fight hate crimes. Both of those arguments are losing ones. And while I know that liberty is the new equality, equality still maintains symbolic and rhetorical, as well as political and legal, weight. I think it will win the day here.


16 thoughts on Renewing the <i>Craig v. Boren</i> Strategy for Hate Crimes, or Why Tucker Carlson’s Stupidity Must Be Confronted Head On.

  1. I wish I had something really smart and insightful to say, but it’s late and I’m tired.

    Thus: Tucker Carlson is a monkey.

    It’s all I got.

  2. Any time Tucker Carlson is discussed, I feel compelled to point out that he is a terrorist sympathizer. He has, on several occasions and on the air, expressed approval of the French terrorist bombing of the Rainbow Warrior, which killed a civilian.

  3. Tucker Carlson is one of the last true intellectuals left. And he has a sense of humor. Leave him alone, Mikey.

  4. Carlson an intellectual?

    And I am Marie of Romania.

    Serioulsy, I have never heard that fool make a single statement that wasn’t idiotic. If he’s an intellctual, he is sure keeping it under wraps.

  5. Hate crimes… are crimes that “manifest prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.” While it is no doubt true (as Solomonese pointed out on the program) that hate crimes are overwhelmingly based on racism against minorities and based on homophobia and bigotry against the LBGT community, our hate crimes legal regime does protect heterosexual white males from hate crimes… explaining that this is not a law of “special treatment” but one of equality, one has to address directly the status nostalgic arguments of men like Carlson.

    Saying ‘it protects gays but not straights’ is the stupid version of the “special treatment” argument. It’s pretty easy to dismiss as you did above. What do you think about the more intelligent version of it?

    Hate crimes do privilege certain identities. It says manifesting prejudice against people for being gay is more important than manifesting prejudice against people for being foot fetishists or sado-masochists or other sexual identities. It says manifesting prejudice against people because of their religion is more important than manifesting prejudice against people because of their political views. Once you’ve spotted this you can multiple these examples indefinately. This isn’t just theoretical either: people do get subjected do hate crimes for the reasons above.

    Human Rights Campaign does seem to think hate crimes against people because of their sexual orientation is more important than hate crimes against mere perverts, and to think people getting beaten up because of there religions is tragic but people getting beaten up becuase of their politics isn’t. I can’t say I agree.

  6. I’m pretty sure he had to forfeit his intellectual credentials when he went on Dancing with the Stars. And those credentials were forged, anyway.

  7. Human Rights Campaign does seem to think hate crimes against people because of their sexual orientation is more important than hate crimes against mere perverts, and to think people getting beaten up because of there religions is tragic but people getting beaten up becuase of their politics isn’t. I can’t say I agree.

    The HRC is only arguing that violence against gay people is a more pressing issue than violence against non-gay people–and that violence against Muslims is a more urgent problem than violence against, say, Republicans. If these groups can show that they face a significant amount of violence for their affiliation (and I’m not saying they can’t), then they can sue for protected status as well. What you’re talking about is triage, not privilege.

  8. Piny, that’s sort of the standard response. I just want to take the chance to expand on my disagreements with it:

    The HRC is only arguing that violence against gay people is a more pressing issue than violence against non-gay people–and that violence against Muslims is a more urgent problem than violence against, say, Republicans.

    I personally think this is likely to be factually incorrect. There are easier ways to get the shit kicked out of you than having people think you’re gay or muslim. I’d take either of those over having people think I’m a paedophile or a communist. There’s a hell of a lot of violence directed at fetishists (and ‘perverts’ generally) and members of fringe political groupings (radical environmentalists, far-left types, and so on).

    If these groups can show that they face a significant amount of violence for their affiliation (and I’m not saying they can’t), then they can sue for protected status as well. What you’re talking about is triage, not privilege.

    My problem is the whole idea about protected status thing. Why should identities have to sue for protected status? They do at the moment – as the definition is “manifest prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.”. Why not delete anything in the quote after “manifest prejudice”? Why use the definition they do in SEC. 2. of the bill?

    It’s a deliberate choice hate crime campaigners have made to consider some forms of prejudice as vile and some as, well, okay. It didn’t happen by accident, people sat down and thought about it. I just don’t believe the triage suggestion. They had the chance to choose general protection but they deliberately decided to let some people get protection and to let others go unprotected.

  9. You know, I will grant Carlson one moment of intelligent humanity–he had the grace to be appalled over GWB snickering over Karla Faye Tucker (? was that her name? Woman who pleaded to, and was mocked by Bush for clemency before being executed in Texas). It was actually Carlson who brought that little gem to the public eye.

    But that was many years, and much fucktardery ago.

    Ha, I had forgotten about his shining moment on Dancing With the Stars!

  10. Human Rights Campaign does seem to think hate crimes against people because of their sexual orientation is more important than hate crimes against mere perverts, and to think people getting beaten up because of there religions is tragic but people getting beaten up becuase of their politics isn’t. I can’t say I agree.

    I have a suggestion that should get people to take hate crimes seriously–call it what is: terrorism. Hate crimes are not “worse” than any other crime in terms of physical effects on the victim; howerver, they attempt to serve notice to those who share characteristics with the victim that they are all in danger.

    That fits my definition of terrorism, in that the crimes are meant to intimidate people out of proportion to the act committed.

    I have absolutely no doubts whatsoever that this re-framing would work. After all, it has gotten people to take terrorism against abortion clinics so very seriously, hasn’t it?

    *Sigh*

  11. Indubitably nailed it perfectly. I would only add that whenever there’s a policy that has the potential to help minority groups, if only slightly, conservatives leap into their oh-we’re-all-equal-and-how-horrible-it-is-that-anyone-should-be-treated-differently routine. It’s really getting tiresome.

    Someone should also tell Carlson that the only men who look good in bow ties are guys in tuxedos and soda jerks at retro ice cream fountains.

  12. There are easier ways to get the shit kicked out of you than having people think you’re gay or muslim. I’d take either of those over having people think I’m a paedophile or a communist.

    You didn’t … Oh FFS.

    Let’s play ‘one of these things is not like the other’, shall we? What, are we going to give protected status to murderers? Rapists?

    On one level I’m kinda with you on political affiliation, but what the fuck, dude.

  13. Bitter Scribe says:

    Indubitably nailed it perfectly. I would only add that whenever there’s a policy that has the potential to help minority groups, if only slightly, conservatives leap into their oh-we’re-all-equal-and-how-horrible-it-is-that-anyone-should-be-treated-differently routine. It’s really getting tiresome.

    The conservative position here seems to derive from the belief that the best way to get society to treat people equally is to behave as if it already does. The progressive position (as I believe in it) is that groups are treated so inequitably that it cannot be pretended away.

    There also seems to be a belief that fairness is important, but it’s more important for some people than for others.

  14. You didn’t … Oh FFS… Let’s play ‘one of these things is not like the other’, shall we? What, are we going to give protected status to murderers? Rapists?… On one level I’m kinda with you on political affiliation, but what the fuck, dude.

    Yeah, I see why you think that’s a bit of a stretch. If someone has a crime committed against them because they molested a kid then it’s not a hate crime, because they’re getting it for what they did not because of the class of people they’re in.

    But, on the other hand, there are paedophiles who don’t molest kids – in the same sort of way that they’re are gay people who become priests and don’t ever have sexual relations with another man. If someone burns out someone who they think is a paedo but isn’t, or just because of not what someone has done, but because they want to send out a warning to all the other nonces then I think that does stray into hate crime territory.

  15. The absurd thing about the opposition to hate crimes laws is that hate crimes laws do something the legal system has done for as long as it has existed: they determine the severity of the crime based on the perpetrator’s intent and state of mind.

    To listen to some right wingers, the idea of “punishing people for what’s in their heads”, as I’ve heard it called, is the most absurd, and vaguely Orwellian, idea since the Espionage Act, but those who are raising this objection are at best ignorant and at worst blatantly dishonest. “What’s in the perpetrator’s head” is the difference between manslaughter and murder, and one of the major criteria for differentiating between the various degrees of assault, battery, and many other offences. It’s called mens rea, and it’s about as radical and new as Blue Book citation format.

Comments are currently closed.