In defense of the sanctimonious women's studies set || First feminist blog on the internet

The Gap Between the Rich and the Poor Grows Larger

This is not new, but it’s disturbing: The SSA said 50 percent of workers made less than $26,364 last year — and most Americans have fewer job opportunities available to them. But the wealthiest Americans are relatively unscathed, with those earning $1 million or more jumping 18 percent from 2009.

Mapping Bias: LGBT Resources on the South Side of Chicago

This is a guest post by Kayla Higgins
The interesting thing about maps is that they are almost never objectively accurate. Rather, they depict a space through the perspective of the Chicagoan mapmaker. And such is the case of the various maps of gay life in Chicago. They are “Gay Chicago” as seen through the eyes of a particular mapmaker or, sometimes, an entire demographic. But they cannot be said to depict “Gay Chicago” as it objectively exists.

We Are the 53%. Or not.

Oh man this “We Are the 53%” movement. It is actually very sad! Basically, conservative pundit Erick Erickson has started a campaign called “We Are the 53%,” to counter the “We Are the 99%” and Occupy Wall Street movements. According to Erickson’s (very simplistic) math, 53% of Americans pay more in federal income taxes than they receive back in deductions or credits, and so 53% of people are subsidizing everyone else. Which is… where to even start? Even people who don’t pay federal income tax still often pay property taxes and payroll taxes; everyone pays sale taxes. And part of the OWS argument is that corporations and many of the highest-earning Americans are paying very little in taxes, due to a series of loopholes and tax breaks.

That aside, Erickson’s site is very very sad. It is full of people who are extremely unlikely to be in the 53% — people who work several jobs to stay afloat, who can’t afford health insurance, whose parents worked themselves to the bone while dying of cancer. Those stories are held up as “the American Dream.” It’s kind of sick, actually. There’s a nice parody blog dedicated to it.

Hippie-punching is fun, I guess, and that seems to be Erickson’s motivation — he’s more interested in telling the Occupy Wall Street folks to “stop whining” than offering any solution other than “poor people are lazy.” And he does it with a web site that includes a lot of poor people all talking about how the system has kind of screwed them, but they’re living the dream and they “did it themselves.”

I realize a lot of people don’t want to feel like victims, and part of the difficulty the left faces is categorizing experiences and exploitations in a way that still allows people to identify with a group — Sady’s post about, among other things, self-identifying as “middle class” hints at this. A lot of people want to be on the A Team, or at least the team of “most folks.” That was, to me, the brilliance of the 99% campaign — it recognized that there’s a lot of diversity of experience within the 99 percent, but it gave people a group identity to latch onto. The problem is, Erickson’s campaign, asinine and divorced-from-reality as it might be, appeals to a lot of folks’ view of themselves as better than the next guy — harder-working, not looking for a hand-out, subsidizing all of Those People who are complaining whiners. In reality, of course, a lot of the people on Erickson’s 53% blog are the ones being “subsidized” (if we adopt Erickson’s terms); they’re people who have received welfare and other social services, they’re people who are definitely not paying federal income tax, and they’re people who need more than they’re getting.

But they’re latching onto Erickson because I suppose it feels better to self-identify as a winner. I’m not sure how, besides the populist 99% message, we can change that dynamic. This comment by Richard Lawson on the Gawker post is interesting to me:

This air of the nobility of the underclass is so sad and, cornily enough, eye-opening for me. It’s quite a feat that the oligarchs (for lack of a less sensational term) really have convinced these people that their poverty is noble and righteous and, in this life or the next, will somehow deliver them. You think about that 16% of African Americans who are living in poverty, or the insanely high number of single women and children living as such across all races and ethnicities, and you realize how fully they’ve taken to heart the persistent message they’ve been fed, in ways both subtle and profoundly grand, that theirs is a necessary suffering, one endured so the country can continue to function in the supposedly just and impartial way that it does. To be teenaged trendy about it, these people have been glamoured by vampires, have bared their necks and welcome the pain as a gift. It’s so deep and so bedrock in national mentality that the only salve seems, honestly, to be some sort of genuine revolution. I kind of feel like a French person in 1788. I wish these people knew they had allies behind them.

And people like Erick Erickson are nasty, willfully blind classist monsters. To prey on people this obviously downtrodden is ghoulishness of the highest order.

It’s worth pointing out, also, that Erickson’s site features mostly white people. It features people who are used to being on the A Team. I don’t think anyone on that site would actually say that they feel an air of nobility for being part of the underclass; I don’t think they believe they’re part of an American underclass at all.

An appetite for moral panics

Anthony Bourdain has had freakouts over Rachel Ray, Sandra Lee, Alice Waters, Guy Fieri, and now Paula Deen. The most recent pissiness–the carping on Deen–was because (he said) she is beholden to corporate interests and she features foods (southern foods, by the way) on her show that are “fucking bad for you” (both true, by the way).

Now, I don’t give a shit about Bourdain per se, he’s known for talking smack about everyone (especially Food Network stars–dude, seriously, find another hobby) and I mean really, Deen’s grown and can take care of herself. But this does point to a particular strain of upper-class righteousness. Frank Bruni pointed out the hypocrisy of food personalities (I hesitate to call any of them chefs) who sniff in disdain at the likes of Deen using butter or cream but salivate over duck confit or pork rinds in the latest hot chef’s dish.

However, unlike Bruni, I call bullshit on all these jokers.

First, it’s nothing more that a bunch of wealthy, well-known White people getting into more dramz while the actual people they claim to champion (oh, please) are still coping with the grocery gap, working longer hours for less pay, or chronic unemployment. Organic, farm fresh food is not easily obtainable for many people, and getting the time (or the money–butter is really expensive) to make Paula Deen’s dishes is no cakewalk either. This is nothing more than two sets of elites with different audiences and PR strategies duking it out.

Second, people on both sides are engaging in the moral deathfat panic, and it’s not helping anyone. Foodies, the frugal, lefties and right-wingers all seem to agree that being fat is horrible and a shameful thing, indicative of self-indulgence and a lack of discipline, and then all sides engage in shaming people who point out that it’s not just a matter of making the correct and moral choices. They also seem to miss the point that if the only marker of health you use is thinness, people will do some really hazardous stuff to get thin, and they will be assumed to be healthy. Look–I was very underweight up until about 12 years ago when I finally hit a normal weight. I can guarantee you that when I was underweight, I snarfed down junk food and fried crap, eschewed vegetables, drank entirely too much caffiene (still do, actually) and never worked out. But no one gave me crap because hey! I was thin, therefore I was healthy.

Third, people on “both” sides of this argument suddenly discover the magic of the bootstrap and self-discipline-to the point where you wonder how they’re on different sides. They sure aren’t on my side, or the side of my neighbors, no matter what they may claim. You could eat better if you just tried! You’re choosing to not eat beans and rice (forget being underhoused or not being able to afford a freezer to store all those extra helpings of chili and lentil stew you could make). You’re making bad choices–just don’t listen to that elitist liberal on the Travel Channel/that elitist conservative on the Food Network! Parents today whine and make excuses instead of making fresh, healthy meals for their children. And I call BS on that garbage as well. I am single, I don’t have children, and after my commute home (which is long, by the way), I am often too tired to cook. Or I am so hungry that my hands are shaking and so I go for whatever I can make in under five minutes. I’m not sure how lecturing and shaming people about how You’re Doing it Wrong is actually going to get us anywhere, and I’ve seen that on all sides of this.

If I find this cumbersome at times (and I love to cook, and am often gratified when I can take the time to do so properly, and have been grateful to be able to do more of that this summer), how do you think other people find it? The working poor and the destitute? Overworked parents? People on food stamps? People with no easy access to grocery stores, let alone farmers markets (which are often really expensive)? People who don’t have sunny yars or balconies, who don’t have a plot in a community garden (unlike me) who don’t have the transportation to get to a grocery store?

So you know, this concern over elitism and health and corporate interests rings hollow when it comes from these folks. Access and money (yeah, I said it, call me a socialist, I don’t care) would go a long way to solve the problem of the food crisis. But you can’t solve the food crisis or the health crisis (no, I’m not going to call it the obesity crisis, FFS) without solving the poverty crisis and the unemployment crisis and the overwork crisis and the lack of access crisis. It isn’t always about making good choices when the choices you’ve got in front of you are crappy either way. And it isn’t about talking smack about a Food Network personality or a Travel Channel personality.

Class war? Or one-sided attack?

If I don’t have it, why should you?

It’s the basis of the resentment I hear and see on the part of people who snarl about those unions (who get so! much!) those striking Verizon workers, those students on the J-1 visa, teachers, public service workers, and others. Instead of thinking, “Hey, that’s fucked. We should both make a living wage and be treated with dignity and respect by the places we work for, your fight is my fight,” a lot of people seem to think, “Why should you get this when I don’t?” or “You should be grateful for what you have.”

One thing that struck me about the foreign exchange student protest in Pennsylvania is that they were quite clear in their desire to not take jobs away from Americans. Our fight, as far as they were concerned, is their fight. They’re linked.

So when I hear lectures from yet another person who embraces Voluntary Simplicity (something I practice as well, by the way, though I am ambivalent about some aspects of it), I have to roll my eyes at the preaching–“You all are too materialistic. The people in many Global South nations are poor but happy.” And I think to myself, Really? Have you been to an EPZ? I mean, without the official minders flanking you? Have you actually bothered to talk to some of the people there, who are trying to unionize in the face of sometimes brutal repression?

I think sometimes it’s too easy to snark on people and roll our eyes when we perceive ourselves as having less. But the thing is–like with the Verizon workers–what works for one person doesn’t necessarily work for another, and a living wage is more than the bare bones minimum. These jobs are not easy, the people who do them work hard, and it should make us all livid when pundits declare that CEO’s make so much because they work hard (and imply that the striking workers–or any worker–isn’t working hard and that’s why they aren’t making about $6M a year in salary and bonuses). I mean, not for nothing, but the people who teach our kids work hard, the nurses and assistants who care for us in the hospital are working their tails off, the people who pick up our trash and vacuum our offices are not exactly slacking, and the people who ring up our sales and make our coffee do not have what I’d call cushy jobs.

What you get when you point this out is a boatload of contempt–These people could just start their own business, and then they’d be fine. They should work harder! They all have flatscreen TV’s and rip off the system–I know because my sister’s coworker’s cousin saw someone buy steak with their food stamps five years ago. I don’t have the pay they want/their benefits/their job protection, so why should they?

It’s another side to the “I got mine, so screw you,” attitude that poisons the atmosphere. These folks who complain so bitterly about these supposedly spoiled workers never bother looking at the C-level executives, who make millions (I am not exaggerating. Check out their proxy statements sometime–it is eye-opening.) and who get very generous exit packages when they’re fired. The pay of CEO’s went up 27% in 2010, compared to 2% for the average worker. And they aren’t taxed at a particularly high rate on their stock assets or stock sale profits, which are classed under capital gains taxes (which have been slashed since the Regan era). The ultra-wealthy aren’t paying nearly the percentage that any of us do, and asking that they start is making conservatives in the US hyperventilate. Oh, it’s fine for us to pay our share, but it’s horrible and awful to ask that someone who’s making six or seven figures to do the same.

It used to be that US citizens prided themselves on the fact that you could build a good life for yourself–work hard and save, and you could have a decent quality of life. But no more–our income disparity is growing here–and nothing good ever comes from such severe wealth inequality. You want to hear people singing The Internationale? Keep that shit up.

Now, I suppose that makes me a class warrior. Which is funny, since I’m seeing a class war, but it’s more of an all-out attack on poor, working-class, and even middle-class people. And if we want a more just and a more equitable society, we have to know that we cannot stop striving for that if we get a victory for ourselves. As long as working-class people are squeezed out of jobs and denied the right to collectively bargain, my life and my security is at risk. As long as poor people are shamed and vilified for being poor, we’re all at risk for being cast out the minute something catastrophic happens, we lose our money, and we make one “unwise” choice.

Returning to the scene of the class war

Aggravated today by a New York Times story in which striking Verizon workers were forced to argue that their wages weren’t, in fact, “too high”–seeing them make the very valid point that living in the New York area and raising a family on $40,000-$70,000 a year doesn’t actually make them rich–I tweeted angrily:

“How the hell did we get into a world where workers making $60,000 are overpaid but CEOs making millions are overtaxed?”

I don’t tend to have that many Republican or libertarian Twitter followers, but when Kirsten Powers, a Fox News contributor, retweeted me, I was deluged with replies, some of which I’m reposting here (without user names, since I don’t know if these folks would care to share):

“becuase they are paying all those 60k wages. Without them, the people making 60k are unemployed.”

“Who assumes the most risk?”

“Pay is dependent upon what you accomplish for the company. If you make 60K and are not being productive..”

“If you have to threaten people with violence to earn $60K, you are overpaid.”

“because you can’t punish success. It’s anti-capitalist.”

“The workers making $60K accepted it while CEO’s demanded more, but how does the CEO’s wage negatively affect the $60K guy?”

So, some answers, shall we?

CEOs aren’t paying all those $60k wages out of their salaries. Their salaries are what they’re being paid by that same company that’s paying the workers. Running a small business is a different game: in that case, you make what’s left over. You do indeed “assume the risk”. I ran a small business for years–my parents still own it. Some years they took home $250,000. In 2009, they took home less than I did.

Verizon’s CEO assumes next to no risk. He gets paid whether the workers strike or not, whether they concede their benefits or not, and I’ll bet my next paycheck that he’s got a pretty sweet golden parachute set up even if he does get tossed out on his ass.

Taxpayers assumed the risk for Wall Street back in 2007-2008. Once again, those getting mega-rich had zero risk–we bailed them out. But while Wall Street tanked, the wealth of millions of everyday Americans was wiped out. Including, I might add, a lot of public pension funds for the very same public workers that right-wingers and these people on my Twitter feed seem to think are overpaid.

We’ve had 30 straight years of pretty much unabated tax cutting for the rich. And yet a random comment that perhaps the rich aren’t actually undertaxed on Twitter gets me lots of angry retorts–from a lot of people I’d bet aren’t rich themselves. The idea that “you can’t tax success” is ridiculous on its face: that’s what we do every single time we pay income taxes. We certainly didn’t manage to find a way to tax failure, or else Wall Street would be out of business.

Threatening to essentially tank the economy again if you are taxed is economic violence.

And the Verizon workers are demanding more. That’s why they’re striking. Actually, strike that–they’re not demanding more, they’re simply demanding not to give up the benefits that the company is contractually obligated to pay.

Now, the bigger idea behind this. The idea that somehow teachers, call center workers, janitors, secretaries, firefighters, and other so-called middle class workers are not “successful” or “productive”, and thus deserve to have their pay slashed, while millionaires are obviously making bank because they’re more “productive” than the rest of us. The idea that so many people seem to have accepted, that middle-class workers deserve to make less, even when we live in a capitalist economy predicated upon the idea that financial reward is the best and only incentive to do pretty much anything. The idea that only the ultra-rich do it for the money and need mega-compensation (and no taxes) while the rest of us work for the fun of it. The idea that workers daring to ask for a raise is slothful and wrong, while finance managers holding a gun to the head of the entire economy over a proposed regulation on their pay is just how business works.

We’ve basically internalized the fact that we’re a two-class society. “Job Creators” (the wonderfully mythic title assigned to the ultra-rich who are mostly sitting around on their asses waiting for the economy to magically get better so they don’t have to take any of that vaunted risk that capitalism is supposed to reward) and the rest of us.

Yves Smith wrote:

Businesses have had at least 25 to 30 years near complete certainty — certainty that they will pay lower and lower taxes, that they’ will face less and less regulation, that they can outsource to their hearts’ content (which when it does produce savings, comes at a loss of control, increased business system rigidity, and loss of critical know how). They have also been certain that unions will be weak to powerless, that states and municipalities will give them huge subsidies to relocate, that boards of directors will put top executives on the up escalator for more and more compensation because director pay benefits from this cozy collusion, that the financial markets will always look to short term earnings no matter how dodgy the accounting, that the accounting firms will provide plenty of cover, that the SEC will never investigate anything more serious than insider trading (Enron being the exception that proved the rule).

So this haranguing about certainty simply reveals how warped big commerce has become in the US. Top management of supposedly capitalist enterprises want a high degree of certainty in their own profits and pay. Rather than earn their returns the old fashioned way, by serving customers well, by innovating, by expanding into new markets, their ‘certainty’ amounts to being paid handsomely for doing things that carry no risk. But since risk and uncertainty are inherent to the human condition, what they instead have engaged in is a massive scheme of risk transfer, of increasing rewards to themselves to the long term detriment of their enterprises and ultimately society as a whole.

Because of course the mega-rich aren’t “job creators.” Job creators are all of us. We pay taxes and employ federal workers. We buy things, and keep the rich in business. The fact that there aren’t enough jobs right now? It’s not because the rich ain’t rich enough. It’s because the rest of us don’t have enough money, after decades of wages being pushed downward or jobs being outsourced, squeezed, made “flexible” and just plain eliminated. We’re not spending, we’re not buying, and we’re not creating jobs because we don’t have enough money.

It’s a vicious cycle and it’s one that doesn’t look to be stopping anytime soon. The immensely popular solution, according to poll numbers, would be to tax millionaires and use that money to invest in infrastructure–creating jobs, putting money into the pockets of the broke. Even some millionaires are asking to be taxed–Warren Buffett in the pages of the New York Times.

Henry Ford was a union-busting, Nazi-sympathizing jerk, but he understood that to be successful people had to make enough money to buy his product–automobiles. The economy we have right now is the direct result of people no longer understanding that basic concept.

And thus we have people shouting me down on Twitter about cutting the wages and benefits of middle-class workers, while defending the right of the ultra-rich to keep their money. It’s class war, as Warren Buffett himself has said many times, and the best weapon the upper class has is that the rest of us continue to defend them, whether out of some mistaken idea that we’ll someday be like them, or out of a Ralph Nader-style hope that the “super rich will save us” by suddenly coming down from their mountain and hiring people (to do what, exactly?), or out of anger that union workers somewhere might be making more than you and thus a need to cut them down to size.

But maybe that last Twitter commenter is on to something when he says that the $60K employee accepted it and the rich demanded more. Maybe it’s time for all of us to start demanding more.

I Had The Time of My Life–Dirty Dancing, Remakes, and Battles We’re Still Fighting

Monday night I went to a screening of Dirty Dancing hosted by Jezebel, benefiting the New York Abortion Access Fund, and featuring a Q&A session with the film’s screenwriter and co-producer, Eleanor Bergstein.

Is there any better way to spend a Monday evening than watching one of your favorite childhood movies on the big screen for the first time, surrounded by feminist friends and allies, for a good cause? I could feel the stress knots loosening in my shoulders as I chatted, waiting for the Q&A to start.

I’m the first person to note that Dirty Dancing is political. Aside from the obvious–the illegal abortion that sets the whole plot in motion–there’s the class differences between Baby and the guests at the resort, the Yale-Medical-School-bound Ayn-Rand-reading douchebag waiter, and the “entertainment staff”–Johnny and Penny, the folks who are dirty dancing in the staff apartments.

There’s Baby’s overt politics–she’s going to study Economics of Underdeveloped Countries and go into the peace corps (but “it never occurred to me to mind” being called Baby). But more importantly, the film is the story of how she learned to see politics as something that happens in front of her, that affects her every day, rather than as something to go far away to fix. She goes from wanting to send her leftover pot roast to southeast Asia to trying to help the people right around her. She goes to joining a community, to deciding which side she’s on.

And also, it’s a film that celebrates something I wish feminists spent more time discussing (and that I’ll never shut up about): female desire. Baby wants Johnny, not the other way around. She pursues him from the minute she meets him, she has sex and isn’t punished for it (so important to keep this film sex-positive, considering the awful consequences of Penny’s sex life), and we get as many loving, lingering shots of dear departed Patrick Swayze’s body as we do of hers.

During the Q&A, Bergstein (who looks exactly like Penny would at her age) noted that the ongoing abortion fight shows that a battle is never won when you think it’s won, and that’s true for all the fights in her movie, as well as the fight FOR her movie–a little movie that spread by word of mouth when all the suits thought it was junk. Because it was a woman’s story?

(I called my mother and told her about my Monday and she couldn’t remember who had told her, but she definitely remembered getting a phone call–“You have to see Dirty Dancing!”)

The abortion fight isn’t won. The class fight isn’t won. The fight for women to have the right to desire isn’t won.

But the movie isn’t about winning, it’s about the fight itself. Bergstein said that she wanted “To tell the story of a girl who took her life in her hands and ran with it no matter what it cost her.” Baby “fights for her life and she fights for honor.” It’s about “being responsible to other people.”

This little movie, well, Irin Carmon, who hosted the Q&A, wondered aloud if the film’s politics had seeped into all of us in the room, mostly women in our 20s and 30s, as we watched it as children. If the film’s popularity had helped shape a generation of young feminists.

My coworker said as much to me today as we shared Alyssa Rosenberg’s essay on the politics of Dirty Dancing and the likely remake, which we have to wonder about. Will it be set in 1963, where abortion is still illegal, or will we have switched to a setting now, where perhaps Penny can get a legal abortion but it costs far more than Baby can even borrow from her father and she has to get across a state and through a picket line to the one available doctor? Or will there be another reason why Baby has to fill in for her and learn the dances and fall into a love that she deserves because she won it through an act of solidarity with another woman?

Will Baby and Johnny just fall in love because “it was meant to be” and will they rewrite the ambiguous ending to assure us that Baby and Johnny will be forever and not, as Rosenberg writes, “passionate without concern for the final shape of it.”

Dirty Dancing isn’t a perfect movie, of course–is there one out there? Bergstein made a passionate argument for putting her politics into popular art–not just making a pro-choice documentary that, she notes, only people who agree with you will ever see. For weaving it so deeply into the story that the whole thing falls apart if, as they tried to do with her, the suits want you to cut it out.

She makes an argument for fighting for what you believe in, fighting for honor, fighting for art you can be proud of and living your politics day to day.

I can only hope that the crew remaking her movie took away what those of us in that room Monday night took away, and remember what we truly loved about Baby and Johnny: the fierceness with which they fought for each other, for the other people in their lives, their decision to be accountable to one another and the people around them, their willingness to transgress the bullshit rules of a society that only hurt them.

Protesting =/= Rioting =/= Looting

This is a guest post by Hannah, a writer and activist in sunny London town.
No one seems willing to separate out the different strands involved: various motivations were in play, from the righteous to the selfish; various tactics were used, from the peaceful to the murderous. And the events themselves can be clearly separated into at least three different categories which must be considered separately.

It’s the class war, kids

This morning my Twitter feed is full of two seemingly disparate things: the riots in London, the cleanup, the aftermath, and then the recall elections in Wisconsin.

Two things that seem so far apart but when you look at them, aren’t so different at all.

Sure, one is the “right” response to an austerity agenda that slashes public services, busts unions, drives salaries down, puts people out of work, creates false scarcity in order to keep giving tax cuts to the rich. In Wisconsin the crowds swelled in the capitol, they were called “thugs” and accused of destruction and mob violence, but they turned their energies to a recall election that would give them back political power.

In London over the past few days, people who have no faith left in the system have been instead tearing the city down. The riots started over another act of police violence, but they have quickly gone beyond that. As Laurie Penny, a UK journalist and feminist, wrote:

Violence is rarely mindless. The politics of a burning building, a smashed-in shop or a young man shot by police may be obscured even to those who lit the rags or fired the gun, but the politics are there. Unquestionably there is far, far more to these riots than the death of Mark Duggan, whose shooting sparked off the unrest on Saturday, when two police cars were set alight after a five-hour vigil at Tottenham police station. A peaceful protest over the death of a man at police hands, in a community where locals have been given every reason to mistrust the forces of law and order, is one sort of political statement. Raiding shops for technology and trainers that cost ten times as much as the benefits you’re no longer entitled to is another. A co-ordinated, viral wave of civil unrest across the poorest boroughs of Britain, with young people coming from across the capital and the country to battle the police, is another.

The system has failed us here in the US, too. The UK has had a bit more of austerity than we have, but we too have a permanent underclass kept that way through structural racism and an economic system tilted to give more to those that have and to take more from those who are already struggling.

Riots don’t help anything. The communities that burn are usually the communities that can least afford it. Looting, like Laurie notes, is all too often an acknowledgement of the import that material things have been given. It’s also a symbolic gesture, though–you deny me all of this and I will take it.

When real riots happen, you can see the ridiculousness of calling peaceful protest “riots.” You can see the difference between activists occupying a store and sending a Molotov cocktail through its window. You can see the difference between resolve and rage.

You can see who still has any reason to believe that peaceful protest, that voting, offer them any sort of way out.

The protests, the riots, the recalls are all about class–about those who have not being asked to give up more. I can condemn the actions, the violence, the burning, as those on the left seem to be required to do if we utter any sort of acknowledgement that there are political causes, economic causes, social causes to a riot.

But I can’t condemn the outrage. It’s real and it’s justified. Our political system (and the UK’s) is there to be an outlet for our anger, a way for us to express a desire for change. Yet across the US I see attempts to suppress voting by just those who most need change–the poor, people of color. I see concerted attempts to keep any tools of peaceful change out of the hands of the desperate.

Scott Walker in Wisconsin has already passed laws eliminating collective bargaining for workers, cutting wages and benefits, slashing jobs, cutting health care (including funding to Planned Parenthood). His cuts rebound worst on those who already have too little, and on women, who are disproportionately employed in the public sector, in teaching and health care, and whose wages are already lower than men’s.

Other governors around the country are doing the same thing.

A win in Wisconsin–three wins are necessary to take back control of the State Senate, to actually have a meaningful check on Walker’s agenda–would be a sign to the country that the class war isn’t going unnoticed, that the people are angry. The message being brought to the people of Wisconsin is expressly class-focused, and if it works, it will spread.

The other option is continued austerity, and a recipe for continued desperation. Cities full of desperate people are powder kegs waiting for a match. You never know what will set them off.

Wisconsin, we’re counting on you. We’re with you. Follow the #wirecall and #wiunion hashtags on Twitter to keep up with events on the ground.

Welcome to the Dollhouse: Men and Beauty Products

Back when pretty much the only men wearing makeup were either rock lords or Boy George, I privately came up with the guideline that if any particular piece of grooming was something women generally performed while men generally didn’t, I could safely consider it “beauty work.” Nail polish and leg-shaving? Beauty work. Nail-trimming and hair-combing? Grooming. It wasn’t perfect, but it was a useful guide in helping me determine what parts of my morning routine I might want to examine with a particularly feminist—and mascaraed—eye.

That rule has begun to crumble. Americans spent $4.8 billion on men’s grooming products in 2009, doubling the figure from 1997, according to market research firm Euromonitor. Skin care—not including shaving materials—is one of the faster-growing segments of the market, growing 500% over the same period. It’s unclear how much of the market is color products (you know, makeup), but the appearance of little-known but stable men’s cosmetics companies like 4V00, KenMen, The Men Pen, and Menaji suggests that the presence is niche but growing. Since examining the beauty myth and questioning beauty work has been such an essential part of feminism, these numbers raise the question: What is the increase in men’s grooming products saying about how our culture views men?

The flashier subset of these products—color cosmetics—has received some feminist attention. Both Naomi Wolf of The Beauty Myth fame and Feministe’s own Jill Filipovic were quoted in this Style List piece on the high-fashion trend of men exploring feminine appearance, complete with an arresting photo of a bewigged, stilettoed Marc Jacobs on the cover of Industrie. Both Wolf and Filipovic astutely indicate that the shift may signal a loosening of gender roles: “I love it, it is all good,” said Wolf. “It’s all about play…and play is almost always good for gender politics.” Filipovic adds, “I think gender-bending in fashion is great, and I hope it’s more than a flash-in-the-pan trend.”

Yet however much I’d like to sign on with these two writers and thinkers whose work I’ve admired for years, I’m resistant. I’m wary of men’s beauty products being heralded as a means of gender subversion for two major reasons: 1) I don’t think that men’s cosmetics use in the aggregate is actually any sort of statement on or attempt at gender play; rather, it’s a repackaging and reinforcement of conventional masculinity, and 2) warmly welcoming (well, re-welcoming, as we’ll see) men into the arena where they’ll be judged for their appearance efforts is a victory for nobody—except the companies doing the product shill.

Let’s look at the first concern: It’s not like the men mentioned in this article are your run-of-the-mill dudes; they’re specific people with a specific cultural capital. (Which is what I think Wolf and Filipovic were responding to, incidentally, not some larger movement.) Men might be buying more lotion than they did a decade ago, but outside of the occasional attempt at zit-covering through tinted Clearasil, I’ve seen very few men wearing color cosmetics who were not a part of a subculture with a history of gender play. Outside that realm, the men who are wearing bona fide makeup, for the most part, seem to be the type described in this New York Times article: the dude’s dude who just wants to do something about those undereye circles, not someone who’s eager to swipe a girlfriend’s lipstick case unless it’s haze week on fraternity row.

“Men use cosmetic products in order to cover up or correct imperfections, not to enhance beauty,” said Marek Hewryk, founder of men’s cosmetics line 4V00. Sound familiar, ladies? The idea of correcting yourself instead of enhancing? Male cosmetic behavior seems more like the pursuit of “relief from self-dissatisfaction” that drives makeup use among women rather than a space that encourages a gender-role shakeup. Outside of that handful of men who are publicly experimenting with gender play—which I do think is good for all of us—the uptick in men’s cosmetics doesn’t signify any more of a cultural shift than David Bowie’s lightning bolts did on the cover of Aladdin Sane.

Subcultures can worm their way into the mainstream, of course, but the direction I see men’s products taking is less along the lines of subversive gender play and more along the lines of products that promise a hypermasculinity (think Axe or the unfortunately named FaceLube), or a sort of updated version of the “metrosexual” epitomized by Hugh Laurie’s endorsement of L’Oréal.

The ads themselves have yet to be released, but the popular video showing the prep for the ad’s photo shoot reveals what L’Oréal is aiming for by choosing the rangy Englishman as its new spokesperson (joining Gerard Butler, who certainly falls under the hypermasculine category). He appears both stymied and lackadaisically controlling while he answers questions from an offscreen interviewer as a young woman gives him a manicure. “That’s an interesting question to pose—’because you’re worth it,’” he says about the company’s tagline. “We’re all of us struggling with the idea that we’re worth something. What are we worth?” he says. Which, I mean, yay! Talking about self-worth! Rock on, Dr. House! But in actuality, the message teeters on mockery: The quirky, chirpy background music lends the entire video a winking edge of self-ridicule. When he’s joking with the manicurist, it seems in sync; when he starts talking about self-worth one has to wonder if L’Oréal is cleverly mocking the ways we’ve come to associate cosmetics use with self-worth, even as it benefits from that association through its slogan. “Because you’re worth it” has a different meaning when directed to women—for whom the self-care of beauty work is frequently dwarfed by the insecurities it invites—than when directed to men, for whom the slogan may seem a reinforcement of identity, not a glib self-esteem boost. The entire campaign relies upon a jocular take on masculinity. Without the understanding that men don’t “really” need this stuff, the ad falls flat.

We often joke about how men showing their “feminine side” signals a security in their masculine role—which it does. But that masculinity is often also assured by class privilege. Hugh Laurie and Gerard Butler can use stuff originally developed for the ladies because they’ve transcended the working-class world where heteronormativity is, well, normative; they can still demand respect even with a manicure. Your average construction worker, or even IT guy, doesn’t have that luxury. It’s also not a coincidence that both are British while the campaigns are aimed at Americans. The “gay or British?” line shows that Americans tend to see British men as being able to occupy a slightly feminized space, even as we recognize their masculinity, making them perfect candidates for telling men to start exfoliating already. L’Oréal is selling a distinctive space to men who might be worried about their class status: They’re not “metrosexualized” (Hugh Laurie?), but neither are they working-class heroes. And if numbers are any indication, the company’s reliance upon masculine tropes is a thriving success: L’Oréal posted a 5% sales increase in the first half of 2011.

Still, I don’t want to discount the possibility that this shift might enable men to explore the joys of a full palette. L’Oréal’s vaguely cynical ads aside, if Joe Six-Pack can be induced to paint his fingernails and experience the pleasures of self-ornamentation, everyone wins, right?

Well—not exactly. In the past, men have experienced a degree of personal liberalization and freedom through the eradication of—not the promotion of—the peacocking self-display of the aristocracy. With what fashion historians call “the great masculine renunciation” of the 19th century, Western men’s self-presentation changed dramatically. In a relatively short period, men went from sporting lacy cuffs, rouged cheeks, and high-heeled shoes to the sober suits and hairstyles that weren’t seriously challenged until the 1960s (and that haven’t really changed much even today). The great masculine renunciation was an effort to display democratic ideals: By having men across classes adopt simpler, humbler clothes that could be mimicked more easily than lace collars by poor men, populist leaders could physically demonstrate their brotherhood-of-man ideals.

Whether or not the great masculine renunciation achieved its goal is questionable (witness the 20th-century development of terms like white-collar and blue-collar, which indicate that we’d merely learned different ways to judge men’s class via appearance). But what it did do was take a giant step toward eradicating the 19th-century equivalent of the beauty myth for men. At its best, the movement liberated men from the shackles of aristocratic peacocking so that their energies could be better spent in the rapidly developing business world, where their efforts, not their lineage, were rewarded. Today we’re quick to see a plethora of appearance choices as a sign of individual freedom—and, to be sure, it can be. But it’s also far from a neutral freedom, and it’s a freedom that comes with a cost. By reducing the amount of appearance options available to men, the great masculine renunciation also reduced both the burden of choice and the judgments one faces when one’s efforts fall short of the ideal.

Regardless of the success of the renunciation, it’s not hard to see how men flashing their cash on their bodies serves as a handy class marker; indeed, it’s the very backbone of conspicuous consumption. And it’s happening already in the playground of men’s cosmetics: The men publicly modeling the “individual freedom” of makeup—while supposedly subverting beauty and gender ideals—already enjoy a certain class privilege. While James Franco has an easygoing rebellion that wouldn’t get him kicked out of the he-man bars on my block in Queens, his conceptual-artist persona grants him access to a cultural cachet that’s barred to the median man. (Certainly not all makeup-wearing men enjoy such privilege, as many a tale from a transgender person will reveal, but the kind of man who is posited as a potential challenge to gender ideals by being both the typical “man’s man” and a makeup wearer does have a relative amount of privilege.)

Of course, it wasn’t just men who were affected by the great masculine renunciation. When men stripped down from lace cuffs to business suits, the household responsibility for conspicuous consumption fell to women. The showiness of the original “trophy wives” inflated in direct proportion to the newly conservative dress style of their husbands, whose somber clothes let the world know they were serious men of import, not one of those dandy fops who trounced about in fashionable wares—leave that to the ladies, thanks. It’s easy, then, to view the return of men’s bodily conspicuous consumption as the end of an era in which women were consigned to this particular consumerist ghetto—welcome to the dollhouse, boys. But much as we’d like to think that re-opening the doors of playful, showy fashions to men could serve as a liberation for them—and, eventually, for women—we may wish to be hesitant to rush into it with open arms. The benefits of relaxed gender roles indicated by men’s cosmetics could easily be trumped by the expansion of beauty work’s traditional role of signaling one’s social status. The more we expand the beauty toolkit of men, the more they too will be judged on their compliance to both class markers and the beauty standard. We’re all working to see how women can be relieved of the added burden of beauty labor—the “third shift,” if you will—but getting men to play along isn’t the answer.

The Beauty Myth gave voice to the unease so many women feel about that situation—but at its heart it wasn’t about women at all. It was about power. And this is why I’m hesitant to herald men spending more time, effort, and energy on their appearance as any sort of victory for women or men, even as I think that rigid gender roles—boys wear blue, girls wear makeup—isn’t a comfortable place for anyone. For the very idea of the beauty myth was that restrictions placed upon women’s appearance became only more stringent (while, at the same time, appealing to the newly liberated woman’s idea of “choice”) in reaction to women’s growing power. I can’t help but wonder what this means for men in a time when we’re still recoiling from a recession in which men disproportionately suffered job losses, and in which the changes prompted in large part by feminism are allowing men a different public and private role. It’s a positive change, just as feminism itself was clearly positive for women—yet the backlash of the beauty myth solidified to counter women’s gains.

As a group, men’s power is hardly shrinking, but it is shifting—and if entertainment like Breaking Bad, Mad Men, and the Apatow canon are any indication, that dynamic is being examined in ways it hasn’t been before. As our mothers may know even better than us, one way our culture harnesses anxiety-inducing questions of gender identity is to offer us easy, packaged solutions that simultaneously affirm and undermine the questions we’re asking ourselves. If “hope in a jar” doesn’t cut it for women, we can’t repackage it to men and just claim that hope is for the best.